Subject: Rift among critics
From: GSNews
Date: Tue, 11 May 1999 16:29:00 -0400

[Agent provocateur: one employed to associate with suspected persons and by pretending sympathy with their aims to incite them to some incriminating action]

Scientology

Controversial organization incites unrest in the camp of its opposition

Ulm/Neu Ulm, Germany
Dienstag, 11.Mai 1999
Suedwest Presse

The psycho-concern sends out its spies

Deserter blows agent's cover
Operation Dustbin:
Wanted: incriminating material in the trash can

Critics of the controversial Scientology organization are incurably riven. This is over the outcome of an agent who operated undercover for years. Another who recently left the organization has now exposed the provocateur.

Helmut Pusch

Peter Reichelt

Psycho-concerns like Scientology fear nothing more than the exposure of its dubious machinations. Those who make these revelations must be silenced or discredited. A wedge must be driven into the alliance against the [Scientology] organization, states the practical writings of Scientology founder, L. Ron Hubbard. Critics, Hubbard continues, are all criminal. In order to make that known, Scientology maintains its own secret service. In Germany this is called the "Department of Special Affairs" (DSA). When nothing incriminating can be found, then it is manufactured, say critics.

If that is not enough, Hubbard recommends the employment of agent provocateurs. Fantasies of a science fiction author? Not even close. The Scientologists have slipped at least one man in amongst the critics, and he has done his job successfully. The man who says this is 44-year-old Norman S., who himself has worked for DSA. He learned this coincidentally from internal memos which state what actions Scientology has taken against critics in the past years.

As an agent, S. was a supernumerary. In Fall 1992 he was recruited and got the assignment to research attorney Ingo Heinemann, a renowned critic of the Scientologists. Among the tips contained in Hubbard's books is searching through the victim's trash cans - and that is what S. did for the 30th time. "We drove up right next to the can, opened the sliding door, got the trash can lightening quick, closed the sliding door and were off," he described the midnight operation. In a nearby woods, the trash was sorted. Not only carelessly thrown away documents such as letters or checks, but also medication packages and wine bottles - anything suited to put pressure on Heinemann was sent to a post office box in Hamburg. The rest was returned with the container back in front of Heinemann's house.

An Old Acquaintance

S., who has recently left Scientology, has now apologized for that to Heinemann. However, the man still has much more to tell, and that is what he has been doing - at the Constitutional Security agency which is observing Scientology, as well as at critics' like Heinemann. Very embarrassing for the latter group: they have been covering for a potentially successful Scientology spy for years now. S. learned the name of the undercover man who had the assignment to infiltrate the critics from Ralph Kleinicke, his DSA directing officer, and he knows this man well: Martin Beyer. S. brought him into Scientology himself. As early as 1989, Beyer had told him of his first assignment as an agent. In 1990, Beyer broke off contact: "We will not see or speak with each other for a long time," Beyer told him, reported Norman S.

Beyer had received a new assignment from the organization - the infiltration of the critics, superspy Kleinicke later told his apprentice, S. Beyer first appeared at Ingo Heinemann's Association for Intellectual and Psychical Freedom with the story that he wanted to leave Scientology. Accepted by Heinemann's association, Beyer started a tour throughout the various organizations which distribute information about Scientology and provide assistance for its victims.

In 1993, Beyer turned up at probably the best known Scientology critic, Renate Hartwig. Her book "Ich klage an," which had been on the best-seller lists for months by that time, had made "Scientology" a household word overnight. She had been declared by Scientology to be "Public Enemy Nr. !." After lengthy hesitation, Renate Hartwig accepted Beyer's offer to work for her. Apparently he exploited his stay in the critic's house.

Later copies of bank statements appeared from the "Robin Direkt" association, the chairman of whom is Renate Hartwig. Even internal documents about Hartwig's children [appeared]. All of a sudden Scientologists started showing up at her relatives' and friends'. Prior to that, Beyer had questioned the Hartwig's son about family members and their friends. Confidential details which Beyer knew about were suddenly also known by the Scientologists, and got back to Hartwig from people leaving Scientology. Conspicuously, years after Martin Beyer's stay in the Hartwig's house, all documents meant to shatter the credibility of the couple are dated 1993. And they have landed mainly in the laps of other critics.

A Deeper Rift

There is a simple reason for that. Among the critics today there is a deep rift. On the one side is the faction that gathers about Renate Hartwig, the successful best seller author. She is envied by the other, less successful critics because of her success. Besides that, in her book "Ich klage an," she accused critics who had been active for years of serious neglect. The reaction: Renate Hartwig was ostracized. Critical colleagues who greedily fell upon the allegedly incriminating documents included Ursula Caberta, the director of the Hamburg center for the observation of Scientology, and Renate Rennebach. The fact that these could only be stolen documents did not distract the ever-so-serious sect experts.

Back to 1993: Renate Hartwig had her suspicions and tried to talk about them to Martin Beyer. He, however, backed off, and used his membership in "Robin Direkt" as a ticket to another assistance organization, the "Article 4" association in Bochum.

There Beyer retained his pattern. He even appeared, as a representative of "Article 4," on one of the lists given out by SPD sect speaker Renate Rennebach to recommend competent spokesmen on the theme of Scientology and other psycho-groups. Until 1995. Then Renate Hartwig's third book, "Das Komplott und die Kumpane" ["The Conspiracy and the Companeros"] appeared. One Scientology companero had an entire chapter devoted to him: Martin Beyer. The members of "Article 4" read this attentively, and put Beyer, who had also sent out dubious letters on Article 4 letterhead paper and created discontent in mercenary dealings, on the spot. Beyer kept his mouth shut and was expelled - nevertheless he remained on the Rennebach list as an individual person. And there Beyer remains today (as of April 20, 1999), even after ex-agent Norman S., who is categorized by Constitutional Security has extremely credible, has exposed the undercover man.

His work is done

"I will continue to speak with him," sect critic Ingo Heineman disregarded the revelation, said ex-agent Norman S. "He has not hurt anybody yet," countered Frank Sassenscheidt-Grote, the personal spokesman for Renate Rennebach. Not hurt anybody? The rift among the critics gives evidence to the contrary. That is where Beyer has done his work. Beyer has also apparently proven his success as an information collector. The latest example: in the Federal Office for Constitutional Security, the entire thing was still a closed matter, when out of the Scientology circles the name of a promising applicant for a key position in the federal office in the area of Scientology was heard: Frank Sassenscheidt-Grote, who maintains the recommendation list for Renate Rennebach.

All this wide-eyed innocence in the matter is brushing Renate Hartwig the wrong way: she is now demanding the resignation of Renate Rennebach as political sect speaker of the SPD.

*** End of Article ****

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[Meanwhile, back at the ranch ...
(Failures from non-Scientology spies)]

Some people miss the spies
from the good old days

USA / The mistake in Belgrade again discreditsthe CIA

Critics of the intelligence service accuse them of exaggerating the use of technology.

George Tenet hopes that such an "error" will never be repeated. However, it won't be that simple for the CIA chief to sweep the matter under the rug. After the bombardment of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, the U.S. intelligence agency itself is on the firing line. Its esteem will escape unscathed.

Peter de Thier, Washington

The official explanation sounds contrived and barely credible: the reason for the mistaken bombardment of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade is alleged to be an outdated city map. Four years ago Peking's highest representative in Yugoslavia had resided in a different complex, about 160 meter from the building that was demolished on Saturday night. Therefore, according to the somewhat stubborn logic of the attacking intelligence organization, NATO had hit the right target - in contrast to other shells that have strayed and cost Serb civilians their lives in the war, the laser-guided bombs were launched with precision.

A skeptical U.S. public and an enraged world will not buy the latest fiasco from the CIA. "There is a danger of losing that last little bit of credibility," was the comment of intelligence expert Thomas Seymour. Hardly has one recuperated from the numerous debacles of the 1990's, when "a disaster occurs that puts past mistakes in the shadows." His perspective is that after the end of the Cold War, the the CIA is on the lookout for a new justification of its existence. Instead of working out a clear concept, however, numerous personnel changes in the agency's management have resulted in a zigzag course. "The CIA really should have had nothing to do with the military planning of a NATO operation," said Seymour.

Hard hit

That was by no means the first time. Seven years ago Washington celebrated an alleged success, namely the successful bombardment of one of Saddam Hussein's war bunkers. The intelligence agency had also participated in the target planning at the time. It was not until later that it was learned that hundreds of civilians had been hit. Critics say that the CIA depends too much upon computer models and relies too much on technology for the business of spying, when they should be sending agents into the "lion's cave" to collect intelligence like in the good old days. Intercessors say that Bagdad and Belgrade are the exceptions; as a rule military target acquisition is a matter for the Pentagon and the military command in whose jurisdiction the matter lies.

In any case, their image is severely tarnished. In the past few weeks the American public has gotten increasingly involved with the military action and with the victims of the war in the Balkans. The fact that their own intelligence agency is responsible for the political consequences in Belgrade has caused criticism and mockery from among them. Also, the memories of the recent scandals have not yet faded away. Aldrich Ames, who was supposed to be recruiting real Russian spies for U.S. counter-intelligence, sold highly sensitive information to the KGB for two million dollars over a period of four years. The fact that he, as a middle manager, was showing up at work in a Jaguar and was able to carry out the documents in a brown paper bag, and that nobody noticed this for seven years, degraded the once legendary CIA into a laughingstock.

After that came the scandal with the spy, Harald Nicholson, and the murder of an American civilian in Guatemala by a CIA spy and the resulting efforts to sweep the affair under the rug. The height of embarrassment was the arrest and subsequent release of the former KGB man, Vladimir Golkin. He had applied for a visa at the U.S. embassy in Moscow and had truly wanted to give information about his former job. He was allowed to immigrate into the USA, but was promptly arrested by the FBI, who had been looking for Golkin for some time. Doing this, however, was a violation of the unwritten rules of international espionage. After Moscow interceded and put heavy pressure on Vice President Al Gore, Golkin was once again released.

Completely inside-out

This case documented not only the dispute in responsibility between the CIA and the FBI, but also revealed the intelligence service once more as a half-baked organization which was in the news because of its involvement in cocaine smuggling. It was claimed, and never quite refuted, that the CIA used profits from the narcotics business to fund the Nicaraguan Contras.

For U.S. President Bill Clinton, the misguided bombs in Belgrade came at a particularly unfavorable time. He had wanted to beef up the budget for the CIA next year by nine percent, to $29 billion. That will pass in Congress only if the intelligence agency is turned inside out from the ground up.

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